“Through the Parentage Opportunity Program, millions of parents have voluntarily established legal parentage for their children, giving them access to the benefits that they deserve,” said Michelle Santiago, Program Manager, California Parentage Opportunity Program. “Now, with the expanded services to parents within the LGBTQ+ community, families of all shapes and sizes have access to our free services.”
WHY THIS IS IMPORTANT: The Parentage Opportunity Program honors the validity and value of LGBTQ+ parenting with more supportive services and accessibility to parents of all sexual orientation and gender identities who wish to take responsibility for their children. Legal parentage benefits children throughout their lives in many ways, including confirming eligibility for military benefits, life and medical insurance benefits, social security benefits, and inheritance rights.
HOW WE GOT HERE: Authored by former California Legislator, Richard Bloom, AB 2684 (2018), known as the Uniform Parentage Act, made significant revisions to the process of establishing legal parentage, expanding eligibility from unmarried birth parents and biological non-birth parents to include married or unmarried same-sex birth parents and parents who have children using assisted reproductive technology, with some exceptions.
At the time of the legislation change, Legislator Bloom stated, “although California has already taken many steps to amend the Family Code to ensure its equal application to same-sex couples, there are still gaps in protection for families.” With the implementation of AB 2684, some of those gaps were reduced to allow same-sex couples meeting specific criteria to establish legal parentage through the Parentage Opportunity Program rather than going through the complicated and costly process of adoption. Eligible couples can sign and have witnessed a “Voluntary Declaration of Parentage,” offered through hospitals, birthing centers, and Vital Records offices throughout the state. The process is completely free of charge and establishes legal parentage with the force of a court order.
Since its inception, the Parentage Opportunity Program has taken great strides to be more inclusive of families of all shapes and sizes. To support LGBTQ+ parents and those that identify as non-binary or transgender, the Voluntary Declaration of Parentage now includes expanded categories of parents and lists “parentage” instead of “paternity”; “birth parent” instead of “mother”; “other parent” instead of “father”; and updated pronouns to support gender inclusiveness.
THE BIGGER PICTURE: In 2021, nearly 40% of babies born in California were born to unmarried mothers, out of a total of approximately 420,000 births. Contrary to standard belief, a birth certificate does not establish a legal parent-child relationship. In order to establish legal parentage in California, parents must complete a Voluntary Declaration of Parentage with the Parentage Opportunity Program or obtain a judgement in Court. Since the formation of the Parentage Opportunity Program, over 4,000,000 parents in California have voluntarily established legal parentage for free, without going to court, saving time and money.
BACKGROUND: Begun in 1995 as a path to legal paternity through the federal Administration for Children and Families, the establishment of legal parentage is administered in California under the auspices of the Department of Child Support Services by the Parentage Opportunity Program.
The comprehensive report, based on The Trevor Project’s 2023 National Survey on the Mental Health of LGBTQ+ Young People, presents alarming statistics and underscores the need for targeted mental health support for this vulnerable group.
According to the findings, nearly one-third of LGBTQ+ young people identify as having a disability. These disabilities range from ADHD and learning disorders to physical and autoimmune conditions, with many respondents reporting multiple diagnoses. The data reveals that LGBTQ+ young people with disabilities experience significantly higher rates of depression, anxiety, and suicidal thoughts compared to their non-disabled LGBTQ+ peers.
The report highlights a concerning trend: Approximately 65 percent of LGBTQ+ young people with disabilities have faced discrimination due to their disability in the past year. This discrimination is closely linked to increased mental health issues. For instance, those who experienced such discrimination reported higher instances of depression and anxiety, as well as a marked increase in suicide attempts.
Another critical study finding is the positive impact of understanding and inclusive therapy. LGBTQ+ young people who felt their therapist understood their disability reported lower rates of suicide attempts. This underscores the importance of disability-informed mental health services.
The report also sheds light on demographic variations. Older LGBTQ+ individuals and those identifying as transgender, nonbinary, or multisexual reported higher rates of disability. Notably, specific groups, such as queer, asexual, and gender-diverse young people, also showed elevated rates of disability.
Additionally, the survey found the critical role of supportive environments in mitigating mental health risks for LGBTQ+ young people with disabilities. Participants who reported having access to affirming spaces, whether in schools, communities, or online, exhibited more resilience and lower levels of mental health distress. This suggests that fostering inclusive environments where LGBTQ+ youth with disabilities feel accepted and understood can significantly impact their mental well-being. It also highlights the necessity for policies and programs that not only address mental health concerns directly but also actively work towards creating safer, more inclusive spaces for these young individuals.
The Trevor Project’s study serves as a crucial call to action for improved mental health support and anti-discrimination efforts for LGBTQ+ young people with disabilities. The organization emphasizes the need for further research and intervention strategies to address these challenges effectively.
In response to these findings, The Trevor Project continues to advocate for comprehensive, accessible mental health services and increased awareness and support for LGBTQ+ youth with disabilities, according to a statement by the group. Through their crisis services team and targeted training programs, they aim to enhance understanding and provide vital resources for this particularly vulnerable community.
If you are having thoughts of suicide or are concerned that someone you know may be, resources are available to help. The 988 Suicide & Crisis Lifeline at 988 is for people of all ages and identities. The lifeline also provides resources to help with other crises, such as domestic violence situations. The Trevor Project Lifeline, for LGBTQ+ youth (ages 24 and younger), can be reached at (866) 488-7386. Users can also access chat services at TheTrevorProject.org/Help or text START to 678678.
LGBTQ+ Victory Fund, the only national organization dedicated to electing LGBTQ+ leaders to public office, endorsed 23 more out LGBTQ+ candidates. Victory Fund has now endorsed 260 candidates running in the 2023 cycle and 43 candidates running in the 2024 cycle.
2023 General Candidates
Damian Pardo (he/him)
Miami City Commission, District 2, FL
General: 11/7/2023
Jenna Yeakle (she/her)
Duluth City Council, At-Large, MN
General: 11/7/2023
Heather Rodenborg (she/her)
Delaware City School Board, OH
General: 11/7/2023
Jess Branas (she/her)
Upper Darby Town Council, District 2, PA
General: 11/7/2023
Khalilah Karim (she/her)
Durham City Council, At-Large, NC
General: 11/7/2023
2023 Unopposed Candidates
Andrea Ditillo (she/her)
Churchill Borough Council, At-Large, PA
General: 11/7/2023
2023 General Candidates
Sylvia Swayne (she/her)
Alabama House of Representatives, District 55
Runoff: 10/24/2023
Paul Sanchez (he/him)
South Salt Lake City Council, UT
General: 11/7/2023
Navarra Carr (she/her)
Port Angeles City Council, Position 6, WA
General: 11/7/2023
2024 General Candidates
Clarissa Cervantes (she/they)
California State Assembly, District 58
Primary: 3/5/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Jennifer Esteen (she/her)
Alameda County Board of Supervisors, District 4, CA
Primary: 3/5/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Ari Ruiz (he/him)
California State Assembly, District 52
Primary: 3/5/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Carlos Guillermo Smith (he/him)
Florida State Senate, District 17
Primary: 8/20/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Joe Saunders (he/him)
Florida House of Representatives, District 106
Primary: 8/20/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Malcolm Kenyatta (he/him)
Pennsylvania Auditor General
Primary: 4/23/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Dave Upthegrove (he/him)
Commissioner of Public Lands, WA
Primary: 8/6/2024
General: 11/5/2024
2024 Incumbent Candidates
Ravi Shah (he/him)
Tucson Unified School Board, At-Large, AZ
General: 11/7/2024
Terra Lawson-Remer (she/they)
San Diego County Board of Supervisors, District 3, CA
Primary: 3/5/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Michele Rayner (she/they)
Florida House of Representatives, District 62
Primary: 8/20/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Brandon Woodard (he/him)
Kansas House of Representatives, District 10B
Primary: 8/7/2024
General: 11/6/2024
Brian Knudsen (he/him)
Las Vegas City Council, Ward 1, NV
Primary: 6/11/2024
General: 11/5/2024
Charles Spain (he/him)
Court of Appeals Justice, Place 4, District 14, TX
A Laramie preacher has won a federal lawsuit against the University of Wyoming (UW). He had sued the university for infringing on his constitutionally protected free speech rights.
Last December, Laramie Faith Community Church Elder Todd Schmidt displayed an anti-trans banner in the UW student union, identifying an individual transgender student by name. The university banned him from tabling for one year, alleging that he was harassing the student.
Schmidt sued UW on First Amendment grounds. He won a preliminary injunction that has already let him return to the student union. Last week, both parties agreed to a judge’s order, bringing the case to a close. UW will also pay Schmidt $35,000 for attorney fees and expenses.
Schmidt’s presence on campus has stirred up other issues. A few days after he posted the sign, he received a trespass warning from police because he showed up in his car outside of a sorority that admitted a transgender student. In February, Schmidt told the Star-Tribune that he was in the area because he was making a DoorDash delivery there. He then rang the doorbell of the Kappa Kappa Gamma sorority house with the intention of having “a conversation” with sorority members. The University of Wyoming listed “multiple complaints,” as one of the reasons for the one year suspension, the lawsuit states.
In our nation, we must accept that we’re likely to hear and read things that are offensive to us — sometimes deeply offensive. I reiterate, and the working group acknowledges, that there are legal limitations to free expression on our campus.
But feeling uncomfortable or offended — and, in many cases, even feeling unsafe — is not, in and of itself, grounds for stopping speech.
We live during a time when political and social divisiveness seems to be tearing apart the very fabric of our society. We can’t let that happen. Nor can we depart from the principle of free expression that has been part of our nation’s foundation from the beginning.
Rafael Franco worked in the GLBT Historical Society archives this summer, helping us process a vital collection of recorded interviews. We interviewed Rafael about his time in the archives, and the surprising material he uncovered.
Can you tell us about your time in the archives?
Rafael Franco: I worked with the Mary Richards Collection, which houses audio recordings she made as a freelance writer for the San Francisco-based LGBTQ newspaper, the Bay Area Reporter. The recordings are from the 1980s and 1990s and touch on topics such as the National March on Washington for Lesbian and Gay Rights, AIDS fundraisers, queer nightlife in San Francisco, Pride celebrations, and more.
I’ve engaged with online materials from the GLBT Historical Society since moving to the Bay Area in 2021, and its contents have enabled me to establish a deep understanding of Northern California’s queer history. This, in tandem with the fact that my research engages extensively with queer theory and queer histories, incentivized me to reach out to discuss my interest in working with the Society.
Why is it important to tell this story?
RF: These files remind us that there is light amidst hard times. In these tapes, there is so much expression of joy amidst a time that is portrayed as solely tragic in films, television, and other media. From dinner parties to the Gay Games to film screenings, queer joy is everywhere in these tapes. While it’s absolutely essential to acknowledge pain and mourn violence against queer people, it’s also important to recognize and celebrate queer joy, as being queer is often equated with being unhappy.
How does your work resonate today?
RF: One lesson that I think will always withstand the test of time is that talking about taboo topics often helps eliminate harmful stigmas. One such taboo topic is sex. In one of the tapes, Alan Selby discusses his thriving leather business. His audio file discusses sadomasochism in relation to AIDS, and provides valuable advice for those who would like to indulge in fetish but still want to partake in safe sex. His discussion is important and proves that opening up avenues for discussions could save lives.
What interesting things have you found in the archives?
RF: I’ve found the importance of congregation very interesting. For example, many people held fundraisers in hopes of raising enough money to travel to Washington D.C. for the 1987 National March on Washington for Lesbian and Gay Rights. One such event was a gala beer bust, which was hosted by the San Francisco Gay Freedom Day Marching Band and Twirling Corps. The importance of organizing and congregating at Washington D.C. doesn’t strike me as something that is as common in our times, especially with the rise of online activism and fundraising. While online activism has its perks, it’s clear that on the ground work also comes with its own benefits, including the formation of a community–something that is especially important in times such as the AIDS crisis.
Can you tell us more about yourself?
RF: Currently, I am a Ph.D. student in Literature at UC Santa Cruz. My research focuses on 19th century gothic literature, with a focus on how queer feelings get defined as monstrous in the heteronormative sphere. Before coming to UCSC, I received B.A.s in English and History from UCLA.
I worked with the Society through the Public Fellows program at UC Santa Cruz, which partners Ph.D. students in the humanities with organizations and companies outside of academia. The goal of the program is for students to exercise their research skills, paving the way for potential career opportunities. My role involved inputting metadata for the Mary Richards Collection, which includes over 300 tapes. The goal of this project was to digitize the recordings and make them accessible to a wide audience.
Lastly, is there anything we didn’t ask that you’d like to share with us?
RF: I think one important thing to note is that archives are never a complete story. There are always narratives that will slip through the cracks and remain untold. In my work, for example, I wondered whether trans people would be present in the recordings only to discover that there is only evidence of a trans person on two out of over three hundred tapes. However, I think this absence says almost as much as the tapes do. Not only do they show us how far we’ve come with trans rights, but they show us how far we still need to go to listen to the trans people who never got the opportunity to speak.
Rafael Franco is a Ph.D. student in literature at UC Santa Cruz. His research is on 19th century Gothic literature, analyzing the way novels often defined their monsters through their race and sexuality. He has worked to promote educational accessibility, including work with Central Valley Scholars and the Educational Opportunities Program at UCSC. After working on some summer projects for the GLBT Historical Society, he found the digitization of archives most rewarding, as it helps ensure people have access to research materials both on and off-site.
This interview has been edited for length and clarity.
Mary Richards Collection is now online!
We are happy to announce that hundreds of interviews by journalist Mary Richards have been digitized and are now available online! This project was supported by a Recordings at Risk grant from the Council on Library and Information Resources (CLIR). The grant program is made possible by funding from the Mellon Foundation.
Photo Credits: Photo of the Mary Richards Audiotapes (#2002-34). Rafael Franco photo courtesy of same.
Richmond has once again demonstrated its commitment to LGBTQ+ rights and inclusivity by maintaining a perfect score of 100 in the 2023 Municipal Equality Index, a notable achievement that places the city at the forefront of LGBTQ+ advocacy in Virginia.
The MEI, conducted by the Human Rights Campaign, evaluates municipalities based on their inclusivity in laws, policies, and services for the LGBTQ+ community. Richmond’s consistent performance in this index reflects the city’s ongoing efforts to support and protect its LGBTQ+ residents.
Reflecting on this achievement, Mayor Levar Stoney told The Advocate, “When I became mayor, I think we were at 42, and over the last four or so years, we’ve been able to raise it to 100, a lot of workers involved.” This improvement underlines the city’s proactive approach to enhancing LGBTQ+ rights and support.
Key initiatives contributing to Richmond’s high score include legislation supporting a ban on conversion therapy, implementing transgender-affirming policies for local homeless services, and adapting health care policies for the city’s workforce to include gender-affirming care.
Stoney emphasized the importance of these policies.
“We now will cover gender-affirming care for our transgender community [in our] health care policy,” he said. “I thought that was very important.”
Richmond’s score stands in contrast to Newport News, which scored the lowest in Virginia with 66, showing that the commitment to LGBTQ+ equality does vary by city and town.
Stoney believes that Richmond’s progress serves as a model for other cities, underscoring the benefits of inclusive policies.
“We have a competitive advantage here in the South by being more welcoming and more inclusive,” he remarked, highlighting the positive impact of such policies on the city’s culture and values.
Richmond’s achievement in the MEI is not only a testament to the city’s commitment to LGBTQ+ rights but also a call to action for other municipalities to follow suit.
“We are writing a new chapter here in Richmond, our chapter that is inclusive and welcoming for all people,” Stoney said.
As the city celebrates its success, Stoney also acknowledged the efforts of various stakeholders in the community.
“We’ve always worked with the Nationz Foundation, Zakia McKensey, who is one of our number 1 stakeholders in our community,” he noted. The foundation’s mission includes LGBTQ+ rights and HIV prevention.
This collaboration with local nonprofits and community organizations has been pivotal in addressing the specific needs of the LGBTQ+ community, particularly in areas of education and awareness for city employees and law enforcement.
Richmond’s approach extends beyond policy to include tangible support for vulnerable groups within the LGBTQ+ community. Stoney highlighted initiatives focused on the city’s youth and unhoused populations.
“A lot of our focus has been on homelessness services because we know the challenges that may occur in the LGBT community, specifically our transgender residents,” he said.
Looking to the future, Stoney emphasized the importance of building upon these achievements.
“I will always stand up, stand against any sort of bigotry, but also marginalization of our transgender and LGBT community,” he said.
In the larger context of the HRC 2023 Municipal Equality Index, Richmond’s perfect score is a beacon of hope amidst a challenging national climate for LGBTQ+ rights, especially as state legislatures attempt to rollback LGBTQ+ rights. Kelley Robinson, president of the Human Rights Campaign, highlighted the significance of this year’s MEI.
“This past summer, for the very first time in our history, the Human Rights Campaign declared a State of Emergency for LGBTQ+ people in America,” she said in a letter accompanying the report.
This statement underscores the critical role local governments play in safeguarding LGBTQ+ rights, especially in the face of over 500 anti-LGBTQ+ bills introduced in state legislatures nationwide.
Richmond’s achievement is not an isolated success but part of a more significant trend of cities striving for inclusivity.
Fran Hutchins, executive director of the Equality Federation Institute, noted, “This year, a record-breaking 129 cities — over 25 percent of all MEI-rated cities — earned the highest score of 100, up from 120 in 2022.”
Cities like Richmond are leading the way, demonstrating the profound impact local policies and protections can have on the lives of LGBTQ+ individuals. These high-scoring cities serve as examples for others, showing that progress toward equality is achievable and crucial locally.
Richmond’s achievement in the Municipal Equality Index is particularly noteworthy given the state’s political landscape, especially under Republican Gov. Glenn Youngkin’s administration. As the state capital, Richmond’s steadfast commitment to LGBTQ+ rights contrasts with broader attempts to roll back such rights in Virginia.
Youngkin, since taking office, has pursued policies and supported legislative efforts that are seen as detrimental to the LGBTQ+ community. His administration has been marked by actions that many view as undermining LGBTQ+ protections. For instance, there have been moves to restrict the rights of transgender students in schools, including limiting their participation in sports and access to facilities aligning with their gender identity. Additionally, the Youngkin administration has been criticized for policies that could potentially restrict discussions around LGBTQ+ topics in educational settings, echoing the controversial “don’t say gay” bill in Florida.
These actions have sparked significant concern among LGBTQ+ advocates and allies, who argue that such measures not only discriminate against LGBTQ+ individuals but also contribute to a hostile and unwelcoming environment. The contrast between Richmond’s proactive actions to enhance LGBTQ+ inclusivity and the state-level efforts to limit these rights underlines the growing divide in approaches to LGBTQ+ issues within Virginia.
Police searched venues across the Russian capital, including a nightclub, a male sauna, and a bar that hosted LGBTQ+ parties, under the pretext of a drug raid, local media reported.
Eyewitnesses told journalists that clubgoers’ documents were checked and photographed by the security services. They also said that managers had been able to warn patrons before police arrived.
The raids follow a decision by Russia’s Supreme Court to label the country’s LGBTQ+ “movement” as an extremist organization.
The ruling, which was made in response to a lawsuit filed by the Justice Ministry, is the latest step in a decadelong crackdown on LGBTQ+ rights under President Vladimir Putin, who has emphasized “traditional family values” during his 24 years in power.
Activists have noted the lawsuit was lodged against a movement that is not an official entity, and that under its broad and vague definition authorities could crack down on any individuals or groups deemed to be part of it.
Several LGBTQ+ venues have already closed following the decision, including St. Petersburg’s gay club Central Station. It wrote on social media Friday that the owner would no longer allow the bar to operate with the law in effect.
Max Olenichev, a human rights lawyer who works with the Russian LGBTQ+ community, told The Associated Press before the ruling that it effectively bans organized activity to defend the rights of LGBTQ+ people.
“In practice, it could happen that the Russian authorities, with this court ruling in hand, will enforce (the ruling) against LGBTQ+ initiatives that work in Russia, considering them a part of this civic movement,” Olenichev said.
Before the ruling, leading Russian human rights groups had filed a document with the Supreme Court that called the Justice Ministry lawsuit discriminatory and a violation of Russia’s constitution. Some LGBTQ+ activists tried to become a party in the case but were rebuffed by the court.
In 2013, the Kremlin adopted the first legislation restricting LGBTQ+ rights, known as the “gay propaganda” law, banning any public endorsement of “nontraditional sexual relations” among minors. In 2020, constitutional reforms pushed through by Putin to extend his rule by two more terms also included a provision to outlaw same-sex marriage.
After sending troops into Ukraine in 2022, the Kremlin ramped up a campaign against what it called the West’s “degrading” influence. Rights advocates saw it as an attempt to legitimize the war. That same year, a law was passed banning propaganda of “nontraditional sexual relations” among adults, also, effectively outlawing any public endorsement of LGBTQ+ people.
Another law passed this year prohibited gender transitioning procedures and gender-affirming care for transgender people. The legislation prohibited any “medical interventions aimed at changing the sex of a person,” as well as changing one’s gender in official documents and public records.
Russian authorities reject accusations of LGBTQ+ discrimination. Earlier this month, Russian media quoted Deputy Justice Minister Andrei Loginov as saying that “the rights of LGBT people in Russia are protected” legally. He was presenting a report on human rights in Russia to the U.N. Human Rights Council in Geneva, arguing that “restraining public demonstration of nontraditional sexual relationships or preferences is not a form of censure for them.”
The Supreme Court case is classified and it remains unclear how LGBTQ+ activists and symbols will be restricted.
Many people will consider leaving Russia before they become targeted, said Olga Baranova, director of the Moscow Community Center for LGBTQ+ Initiatives.
“It is clear for us that they’re once again making us out as a domestic enemy to shift the focus from all the other problems that are in abundance in Russia,” Baranova told the AP.
The Christian anti-LGBTQ+ legal advocacy group Alliance Defending Freedom (ADF) — defined as a hate group by the Southern Poverty Law Center — is hoping the U.S. Supreme Court will overturn state bans on so-called conversion therapy for minors. Though the court hasn’t agreed to take on the case just yet, it provide insight into how ADF plans on challenging more conversion therapy bans in the future.
The ADF is providing legal counsel to licensed marriage and family counselor Brian Tingley in Tingley v. Ferguson, a legal challenge to Washington state’s ban. Tingley says the ban violates his rights to free speech and free exercise of religion, The New Republic reported.
Related:
Tingley’s petition to the court says that his speech as a therapist should be considered as “speech” and not professional “conduct.” He said he “lives in continuous fear of government persecution” because the ban “forbids him from speaking, treating his professional license as a license for government censorship.” Tingley says he should be able to offer conversion therapy — even though it has been widely disavowed as a form of psychological torture by numerous American mental health organizations — because some kids are actively seeking to change their sexual orientation.
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His case may actually be aided by the 2018 Supreme Court decision National Institute of Family and Life Advocates v. Becerra which said that the government couldn’t “compel” or “regulate” anti-abortion crisis pregnancy centers in California to inform pregnant people about state-funded reproductive health services.
However, Georgia State University law professor Anthony Michael Kreis told the aforementioned publication that the cases are different. Bans on conversion therapy aren’t trying to force Tingley and other therapists to say things they don’t want to say, Kreis argues. Rather, he reasons, state bans are trying to prevent medical conduct from resulting in “tangible harms.”
A 2013 survey showed that 84% of former patients who tried ex-gay therapy said it inflicted lasting shame and emotional harm. Additionally, March 2022 peer-reviewed study from The Trevor Project showed that 13% of LGBTQ+ youth nationwide had reported being subjected to conversion therapy. Of those, 83% were subjected to it before reaching the age of 18. The study showed that young people who underwent conversion therapy were more than twice as likely to attempt suicide afterward. Numerous conversion therapy advocates have later come out as still gay and apologized for the harm that conversion therapy causes.
Furthermore, Kreis notes that the bans provide specific exemptions for “purely religious” speech and also that the government already heavily regulates the professional fields of therapy and healthcare. Thus, the bans are just an extension of that.
Katherine Franke, a law professor at Columbia University, said the ADF will use similar free speech arguments to try and overturn regulations involving professional conduct.
“We have all sorts of regulations for licensed mental health professionals, and the patients rely on this kind of safety that those licensing requirements impose,” she told The New Republic. “Opening the door in this kind of case… opens the door to quite a few other situations where a person may have an objection to what is a public norm or an expert judgment about the safety of other people. It shouldn’t be your private decision that you’re not going to agree with that and therefore [will] not follow that law, when that is a condition of your licensure.”
The methods of so-called conversion therapists include encouraging queer people not to masturbate, redirecting their sexual energy into exercise, “covert aversion” (a fancy name for imagining possible negative consequences of being queer), Bible study, directing same-sex sexual desire onto opposite-sex partners, inflicting pain and humiliation anytime LGBTQ+ feelings arise, and forcing people to act out stereotypical gender roles in behavior and personal appearance.
Twenty-nine U.S. states have either passed full or partial bans on conversion therapy for minors. In three of those states — Alabama, Georgia, and Florida — court injunctions have stopped the bans from going into effect while legal challenges to the bans proceed in court.
If you or someone you know is struggling or in crisis, help is available. Call or text 988 or chat at 988lifeline.org. The Trans Lifeline (1-877-565-8860) is staffed by trans people and will not contact law enforcement. The Trevor Project provides a safe, judgement-free place to talk for youth via chat, text (678-678), or phone (1-866-488-7386). Help is available at all three resources in English and Spanish.
Eddie Ashley was looking for a hookup. So like countless others on a Saturday night in New York City, he went to The Ritz, a gay bar in Manhattan’s Hell’s Kitchen neighborhood.
He drank too much, he said. And he did end up going home with someone — one of his victims.
Eighteen months later, Ashley, 30, was sentenced to nine years in state prison for robbing the man he left the bar with in May 2022, along with various other crimes he pleaded guilty to committing in recent years.
Authorities said Ashley and the victim went to the victim’s apartment several blocks north of the bar, and Ashley stole the man’s phone and wallet.
But this was not, prosecutors said, a one-off robbery among so many others across the city on any given night. The encounter was part of a broader crime ring in which authorities said at least 16 victims, many of them gay men, were targeted from September 2021 to August 2022 at bars and nightclubs, then often drugged and robbed of thousands of dollars while they were incapacitated. In several cases, surviving victims and their family members believe the assailants used facial recognition technology to unlock their mark’s phones. Two of the men were killed. Ashley denies knowledge of the wider crime ring and was not charged with murder.
The attacks happened quietly throughout the city’s busy nightlife, striking run-of-the-mill bars, multistory nightclubs, and underground gay leather bars across two Manhattan neighborhoods, with intoxicated gay men often the targets. The danger lurking in the venues didn’t come into broad public view until May 2022 — eight months after it started — when NBC News reported that a 25-year-old gay man had been killed.
After months of pressure from the victims’ families, the news media and politicians, the New York City Police Department said it had finally cracked the case: Officers arrested six suspects earlier this year who they said were part of the drugging-and-robbery ring. The arrests were announced at a news conference that included the mayor, police commissioner and the Manhattan district attorney — and was met with long-awaited relief within the city’s gay community.
People hold signs for a vigil commemorating Julio Ramirez in New York in June 2022.Julius Constantine Motal / NBC News
Five of the suspects pleaded not guilty charges that included murder, conspiracy and grand larceny.
Eddie Ashley, though, admitted he was guilty.
One of the four crimes to which he pleaded guilty, the May 2022 robbery, was linked by prosecutors to the broader crime ring. Awaiting his sentencing three weeks ago, he asked if theexpected punishment fit the crime.
“I lost a lot being in here, financially, I lost my grandma — so I’m kind of messed up. This is basically a bad situation right now for something that was just one night,” Ashley told NBC News at Rikers Island jail complex in his first interview about the crimes.
Ashley’s sentencing is the most significant development in the year-old case, and it provides the best insights yet into how the investigation unfolded. But it also highlights how much is still not known.
A separate crime ring was committing similar crimes at bars in Manhattan’s Lower East Side within the same time period, according to prosecutors. Some victims still don’t know if their specific cases are linked to one or the other alleged crime ring — or neither. And there’s even bigger gaps: One man remembers being victimized in March of this year by a woman — yet all the people who have been charged are men.
And almost all of the victims who spoke with NBC News say they wonder whether the reign of terror afflicting New York City’s nightlife still continues, unnoticed once again.
Julio Ramirez and John Umberger.Ramirez family photo; Linda Clary
Julio Ramirez was a 25-year-old social worker. John Umberger was a 33-year-old political consultant. Both went out to gay bars in Hell’s Kitchen 38 days apart last spring. Both ended up drugged, robbed and dead.
Police initially told relatives that their deaths appeared to be self-inflicted: accidental overdoses, the families said.
But that didn’t add up to the families. They suspected foul play.
Both Ramirez and Umberger each left a bar with at least one man. Both had their bank accounts drained. Both appeared to be reading text messages on their phoneafter their bodies were found.
“Right away I knew something was wrong,” Ramirez’s brother, Carlos, said. “He would never intentionally take any drugs or anything that could harm him.”
Umberger’s family was similarly not convinced by the police explanation.
To them, “it looked like John had gone out to a club, been robbed, emptied his credit cards out of his wallet — but he still had his wallet, no phone — and he came home and did a bunch of drugs because he was so depressed over what happened,” Umberger’s mother, Linda Clary, previously told NBC News. “That’s where it was like, ‘I’m sorry, that’s not my child.’ I can assure you if that were to happen, that’s not what John would have done.”
Both families were determined to take matters into their own hands.
In the days following her son’s death last spring, Clary flew to New York from her home in Georgia, seeking answers. With the help of six family members and her son’s friends, she retraced his last steps from what she gathered from his bank transactions, phone records and those who saw him last. Similarly, after several failed login attempts to Ramirez’s computer, Carlos Ramirez gained access and uncovered suspicious banking records from his brother’s accounts. Clary and Ramirez both said thousands of dollars had been drained from their loved one’s accounts following their deaths.
Both families took their findings to the NYPD.
“They looked at us like we were from outer space,” Clary previously said. “No one was interested in finding out the truth.”
Two days after speaking with authorities, Clary said a homicide detective was assigned to her son’s case.
But still frustrated with the pace of the investigations, both families brought their stories to the media, hoping it would put pressure on authorities.
Had she not gone to reporters, Clary speculated, “it would have continued to be pushed under the carpet, and things would still be going on.”
Linda Clary in her home in Highlands, N.C. Will Crooks for NBC News
Once the news of Umberger’s death became known, gay men who said they had survived similarly harrowing experiences stepped forward to share their stories publicly.
NBC News spoke with six people who say they or their family members had been the victims of crimes from December 2021 to this March that broadly fit the pattern of the Ramirez and Umberger cases. Many of the victims say the suspects used their faces while incapacitated to unlock their phones, via facial recognition technology, and access their bank accounts. Some of them asked that their names not be published out of fear of retaliation by the people who harmed them. All of the men say they filed police reports shortly after their encounters occurred and most said their cases are ongoing.
In December 2021, Tyler Burt, 28, was walking home after a night out with friends when he stopped in at the Boiler Room, a gay bar in Manhattan’s East Village for one last drink. Sitting alone at the bar was the last thing he remembered before waking up the next day in his apartment fully clothed, with his shoes still on and roughly $15,000 and personal belongings stolen, Burt said.
“I feel lucky in a way that I didn’t get murdered,” Burt said. “Something horrible happened to me, but I’m still alive to tell the tale. I’m very grateful for that.”
Tyler Burt in New York.Vincent Tullo for NBC News
In July 2022, a 51-year-old Manhattan resident said he woke up on his living room floor in a pile of his own vomit after having a single drink at the 9th Avenue Saloon, a gay bar in Hell’s Kitchen. The last thing he remembered was saying goodbye to his friends. He said that he had a single drink the entire evening and that roughly $8,000 had been taken from his account.
“The only reason I didn’t die was because they left me on my stomach,” he said. “And thank God I wasn’t raped.”
“Why can’t I go out and have fun and not worry that I’m not going to make it home?” the man added.
And this March, Michael, a 30-year-old gay man, said he was approached by an unknown woman after visiting The Eagle NYC, a gay bar in Manhattan’s Chelsea neighborhood. When he came to, he said, the same woman — who he said knew his name — was shaking him on an empty street in East Harlem, about 80 blocks north of the bar, “trying to get rid of me.” The next day, he realized that $5,000 was missing from his bank account.
“The way that they systematically went through all of my banking and credit card apps on my phone, it was like practice,” he said. “You could tell that they’d done this before.”
The medical examiner’s office ruled in March that Ramirez and Umberger’s deaths were homicides caused by a “drug-facilitated theft.” Multiple drugs were found in their systems, including fentanyl, lidocaine and cocaine.
In the following weeks, six men — Ashley, Jayqwan Hamilton, 36; Robert Demaio, 35; Jacob Barroso, 30; Andre Butts, 29; and Shane Hoskins, 32 — were chargedin connection with the crime scheme that led to the deaths of Ramirez and Umberger. Three — Hamilton, Demaio and Barroso — were charged with murder.
While many of the victims were gay men, all were targeted for financial gain and not because of their sexual orientation, prosecutors said.
The initial court appearance in April for three of the suspects — two of whom were charged with murder — was tense.
The small Manhattan courtroom was packed with family members and friends of the deceased sitting across a tight aisle from the family and friends of the men accused of killing their loved ones.
When the three defendants appeared, they were surrounded by a swarm of roughly a dozen court officers. Carlos Ramirez and his parents were visibly distressed, realizing they were seated directly behind where the defendants would be sitting, prompting others in the gallery to make room for them to move.
“It was such a bad, dark feeling just thinking that these were the last people my brother was with when he died,” Ramirez said. “That just really messed me up.”
As the judge spoke, a relative of one of the defendants got into a verbal altercation with a police officer after the officer asked them to quiet down. When the man asked why, the officer got in the man’s face and screamed: “Because I said so! You’re in our house.” When the man yelled expletives back, he was escorted out of the courtroom by several officers.
Once the courtroom became quiet again, all that could be heard through the whispers were the sniffles of tearful grieving family members.
Outside, supporters of one of the suspects, Barroso, went in front of the news cameras and yelled that he is “not a murderer. You guys got this backwards. We will prove his innocence.”
A few weeks later, Clary flew from Georgia to New York to attend the first court appearance for Hamilton, one of the two men charged in her son’s murder.
It was the first time she had been to New York since recovering her son’s body.
At the courthouse she was swarmed by a gaggle of reporters and news cameras, which she described as “overwhelming.” The attention on Clary was unsurprising.
After months of raising awareness about the gay bar killings, Clary — a devout Christian from the South — had become somewhat of a leading voice for the safety and well-being of New York City’s gay men.
“It does strike me as being odd the more that I think about it though,” Clary said. “Here you are in New York, the bastion of progressivism, and yet I’m the one having to raise the flag.”
“Life is full of ironies,” she added.
Linda Clary in her home in Highlands, N.C. Will Crooks for NBC News
Ashley grew up downtown. As a high school dropout, he said he had been working toward earning some sort of employment certificate before he was sent to Rikers. He was living with his elderly grandmother in Manhattan’s Lower East Side and taking care of her.
“I had a lot of s— going on before,” Ashley said. “I was trying to get my life together.”
On May 14, 2022, Ashley went to The Ritz — the same bar where Ramirez was last seen a month before — looking for a hookup, he said. He said he had been to the bar two or three times before.
Prosecutors said Ashley left the bar and went to the apartment of the man whose phone and wallet Ashley would later steal. Ashley said he does not remember going back to the man’s apartment but does remember that he had not met the man before. He described the man as being in his 20s and Latino.
The Ritz Bar and Lounge in Hell’s Kitchen.Julius Constantine Motal / NBC News
Police obtained security footage of Ashley using the victim’s phone to pay for Taco Bell that same morning via Apple Pay, according to prosecutors. Ashley said he does remember getting Taco Bell but suggested the victim could have bought him food.
In April, Ashley was arrested and charged with robbery, grand larceny, petit larceny and identity theft for four incidents from October 2021 to August 2022, including the May 2022 encounter, which was linked to the broader crime scheme, according to prosecutors. Unable to make bail, he was sent to the notorious Rikers Island jail.
After nearly seven months there, Ashley said he changed his plea to guilty so he can serve time in prison elsewhere. For years, the massive jail complex has been under scrutiny by criminal justice activists and lawmakers from around the country for its allegedly “inhumane conditions.”
Ashley had one word to describe his time at Rikers: “rough.”
He said he’s been in fights with inmates, adding, “Maybe two or three altercations with officers’ use of force, but that’s about it.”
Being in custody has also taken an immense emotional toll, he said. His grandmother died while he was behind bars.
He explained that, regardless of the other crimes he committed, he believes the May 2022 encounter had an outsize impact on his sentencing because it was linked to the wider scheme.
Ashley was not charged with murder and was not present on the nights of either Ramirez’s or Umberger’s deaths, according to prosecutors. He said he only found out about the wider crime scheme when he obtained an attorney upon his arraignment.
“I knew it had nothing to do with me,” he said of victims who were drugged and died.
Prosecutors allege that another one of the six suspects, Hamilton, who was charged with murder in the deaths of both Ramirez and Umberger, was present on the night Ashley committed the robbery in May 2022. Hamilton was accused of giving Ashley’s victim an unknown illicit substance outside the bar and using the victim’s phone to steal $2,000 from his bank accounts. Hamilton’s lawyer declined to comment.
Ashley said he remembers Hamilton being at the bar that night, but he maintains that he never saw Hamilton drugging anyone. Ashley declined to say how he knew Hamilton, citing Hamilton’s ongoing case, but said they were not friends. He also denied knowing any of the other four defendants.
After sitting with NBC News in the Rikers visitors’ hall — a nearly empty room that could seat hundreds — for about 15 minutes, Ashley called a correction officer over to end the meeting.
“I don’t even care anymore,” Ashley said when asked about being connected by authorities to a broader scheme that led to the death of two men, walking off. “It’s behind me.”
People hold signs for a vigil commemorating Julio Ramirez in New York in June 2022.Julius Constantine Motal / NBC News
For the victims and families of the deceased, the yearslong crime scheme has been difficult to leave behind.
Many of the victims who spoke with NBC News described re-entering New York City’s nightlife scene with apprehension.
The 51-year-old man said he’s been out only once or twice since he was robbed. He said he’s afraid that his assailants — who he said do not appear to be any of the suspects arrested in recent months — might recognize him.
“I go straight to work and straight to home,” he said. “I’m always looking around; I’m always suspicious of everything.”
Michael said he is slowly trying to re-enter New York’s nightlife scene after being abandoned in East Harlem.
“My therapist has told me to be more discerning around people, and that’s a good defense mechanism, but I don’t really like that, you know?” Michael said. “I like the person I am. I like being friendly and trusting and open, and it would really suck if that’s something that was permanently changed by this experience.”
Michael went back to The Eagle NYC for the first time last month. Instead of opting for a late night out, he went for happy hour earlier in the evening.
All but one of the surviving victims who spoke with NBC News said they still have facial recognition software on their phones out of convenience. Some note that the larger issue is the danger of being drugged, regardless of whether a criminal can unlock a person’s phone and steal their money.
The Ramirez family did not celebrate Thanksgiving or Christmas last year, Carlos said, and does not plan on doing so this year either. For Carlos personally, he said he misses his best friend.
“When something happens and it’s good news and he’s not here, I can’t share it with him. It kind of takes away from it,” Carlos said. “That’s really hard.”
Clary said she hasn’t built up the courage to go through her son’s belongings in his apartment in Washington, D.C. More recently, she’s made a handful of trips to New York City for the pretrial court appearances of the suspects charged in connection with her son’s death.
Clary has been enjoying her new role as a grandmother in recent months. But even that, she said, has been challenging at times.
“That whole experience is diminished because John is not here,” she said. “At some point I have to let go of John not being here and trust God that He has a plan that this life, that we think is everything, is so small compared to eternity.”
When she’s in New York, she said she likes to frequent some of her son’s favorite restaurants in Manhattan: The Waverly Inn in the West Village, Minetta Tavern in Greenwich Village and La Goulue on the Upper East Side, across the street from the apartment where her son died.
“It is a kind of ridiculous, not logical thing,” Clary said. “But you like to go to the places he enjoyed being at because you’re thinking, ‘Yeah, this is the closest thing you have to him being here.’”
Linda Clary holds a family photo of her and her son John Umberger at her home in Highlands, N.C. Will Crooks for NBC News
It’s been more than two years since authorities say this crime ring, which largely targeted gay bars, began. Yet victims of similar crimes to the ones that killed Ramirez and Umberger say they are still nearly as perplexed about the encounters as they were when they first regained consciousness immediately afterward.
Michael said police and prosecutors told him his case was linked to the same group being charged in the two men’s deaths. Police sources also confirmed the connection with NBC News.
However, Michael said authorities were never able to identify the sole person he remembers from the encounter: an unknown woman.
“That tells me that there are still people on the streets who did this to me, to other people,” Michael said. “There’s no way they caught everyone who were doing these robberies.”
Some survivors have even less clarity. They say police told them their cases have not been connected to the ring related to Ramirez and Umberger or the second known ring.
A 48-year-old man, who asked not to be named out of fear of retaliation from people involved in his encounter, said he was drugged and robbed after visiting The Eagle NYC in October 2022. He said his case is still ongoing.
“I know what happened legally with the Hell’s Kitchen cases, but I feel like The Eagle cases just sort of fell off the radar,” the man said. “Were they connected to other cases? Have they all been caught? Are there suspects still at large? Is this still happening?”
The NYPD and mayor’s office launched a program in June to re-examine unsolved drugging, robbery and homicide cases involving LGBTQ victims, which was largely seen as a response to criticisms surviving victims made in the news media.
A spokesperson for the mayor’s office said that the NYPD has not received any requests to have cases re-examined as of last month and that the lack of applications could suggest that there is not a need to re-examine any cases.
However, Burt said he applied to have his case re-examined in June. He said he tried following up with the NYPD in July, but he did not receive a response to his last emails, which he shared with NBC News.
“I’m just disappointed in how this whole thing has been handled,” Burt said. “Every step of the way has made me feel like this is not a priority.”
Tyler Burt in New York.Vincent Tullo for NBC News
The NYPD defended how the cases were handled.
“The Detective Bureau is committed to conducting solid, high-quality investigations and ensuring that each investigation is handled efficiently with dedication and professionalism,” an NYPD spokesperson said in an email.
Michael suggested that while it is important to find and punish those who were responsible for the past crimes, it is equally paramount that people understand that the technological tactics used to access their financial accounts are likely being replicated by others.
“As long as there is a convenient way for you to unlock your phone without having to enter a pin, people are going to use it and people are going to find ways to exploit it,” he said. “Awareness is the most important thing.”
“Maybe they’re laying low, maybe it’s hard to find them,” he added, “but they’re definitely still out there.”
Law enforcement authorities in Nigeria are using the country’s same-sex prohibition law to target the LGBTQ community while ignoring abuses against them, rights groups and lawyers say, in the wake of fresh mass arrests of gay people.
Nigeria is one of more than 30 of Africa’s 54 countries where homosexuality is criminalized in laws that are broadly supported by the public, even though the constitution guarantees freedom from discrimination, and the right to private and family life.
Mass arrests and detention of queer Nigerians that continued this week were done without proper investigations and could further expose them to danger amid the anti-LGBTQ sentiments in Africa’s most populous country, rights groups said.
The country’s paramilitary agency on Monday announced the arrest of more than 70 young people — 59 men and 17 women — in the northern Gombe state, accusing them of “holding homosexual birthdays” and having “the intention to hold a same-sex marriage.”
Following a similar detention of more than 60 people at what the police called a gay wedding in the southern Delta state in August, the arrests show “an uptick in this trend of witchhunt and gross violation of human rights” of the individuals, Isa Sanusi, director of Amnesty International Nigeria, told The Associated Press.
The arrests also suggest states are emulating one another “to get accolades” under the law, according to Anietie Ewang, Nigerian researcher with the Human Rights Watch’s Africa Division. She said concerns highlighted by the organization in a 2016 report — about the abuse and stigma that gay people face in Nigeria — have remained.
Nigeria’s Same Sex Marriage Prohibition Act of 2013, which has been condemned internationally but is supported by many in the country of more than 210 million people, punishes gay marriage with up to 14 years in prison and has forced many Nigerian gays to flee the country, according to human rights activists.
Arrests under the law have been common since it came into effect but the largest mass detentions yet have been in recent weeks in which some of the suspects were falsely accused and subjected to inhumane conditions, according to lawyers and rights groups.
After dozens were arrested at what the police called a gay wedding in a Delta state hotel, the suspects were paraded in front of cameras in a live social media broadcast despite a ruling by a Nigerian high court last year that pretrial media parades violate the nation’s constitution.
One of those paraded said he was at the hotel for another engagement. Another suspect said he does not identify as a gay individual and was arrested while on his way to a fashion show.
In Gombe, where the Nigeria Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) said its personnel arrested people who “intended” to organize a gay wedding, the prime suspect identified as Bashir Sani denied the allegation.
“There was no wedding, only birthday,” he said in a broadcast aired by local media.
Among those arrested were the photographer and the disc jockey at the event, Ochuko Ohimor, the suspects’ lawyer, told The Associated Press.
It is part of a trend that shows how the anti-gay law is being “exploited” without due process, said Okechukwu Nwanguma, who leads the Rule of Law and Accountability Advocacy Centre, which advocates for police reforms in Nigeria.
One evidence of such a flawed process, lawyers said, is the failed trial of the 47 men arrested in 2018 and charged with public displays of affection for members of same sex at a hotel in Lagos. A local court dismissed the case in 2020 because of what it described as the “lack of diligent prosecution” after the police failed to present some witnesses.
“They (law enforcement authorities) are exploiting the law to target people whether or not they are queer … There is a tendency to target them based on assumptions or allegations, not based on any investigation,” said Nwanguma.
Such blanket arrests and media parade are not only discriminatory but also pose a high risk of further endangering people for their real or perceived sexual or gender orientation, said Amnesty International’s Sanusi.
“Since the signing of Same Sex Prohibition Act into law in 2014 attacks, harassment, blackmail and extortion of the LGBTQ+ community is rising, at disturbing speed. The Nigeria Police should be prioritizing keeping everyone safe, not stoking more discrimination,” he said.
Police spokespersons at the Nigeria Police Force headquarters and at the Delta state command did not respond to enquiries from the AP to speak on the arrests and on the allegations about the lack of due process in handling such cases.
Lawyers also spoke to the AP about instances where the police failed to act in handling cases of abuse against the LGBTQ community in Nigeria.
In 2020, David Bakare, a gay person, petitioned the police about a group of men who beat him up after he shared a video of himself dancing. The suspects were freed on bail after which they continued to threaten Bakare to withdraw the petition, a copy of which his lawyer shared with The AP.
Bakare then petitioned the police a second time to alert them that his life is in danger but no action was taken in response, he said. He had no choice but to flee to another part of Lagos.
“Since you can’t trust the police to do the necessary things, those guys will come again,” the 26-year-old said of his abusers.
The problem of delayed justice is not new in Nigeria where the criminal justice system has been criticized as corrupt. But it is far worse for groups such as the LGBTQ community seen to be vulnerable, said Chizelu Emejulu, an activist and lawyer who has handled many cases involving queer people.
“When we get the perpetrators arrested, the consistent thing we have noticed is that people always claim their victims are queer and once they say that, the police begin to withdraw from these cases,” said Emejulu.
“What the LGBTQ community in Nigeria is asking for is to be left alone to live their lives,” Emejulu added.