A queer Ukrainian solider has called for same-sex marriage to be legalised in the country as LGBTQ+ soldiers “could die tomorrow” and their partners would have no legal rights in an “unfair” system.
Anna “Kajhan” Zyablikova, who is serving in the 47th Brigade of Ukraine’s armed forces, said same-sex marriage should be legalised to allow LGBTQ+ couples the same legal rights heterosexual couples are afforded.
This would include the right to make the decision of whether to keep their partner on life support.
The 30-year-old told the i paper: “We have no legal rights to do that and in the case of war, the inability to do this is a huge psychological issue.”
Following the invasion of Ukraine on 24 February 2022, many Ukrainians married to ensure their partners would be protected in a time of huge uncertainty.
In November last year, Kyiv resident Leda Kosmachevskaya said she planned to marry her gay soldier friend so someone can “claim him if he dies” while fighting in the war.
‘Taking this opportunity from us is unfair’
Zyablikova added: “I feel like something is taken from me every time I see one of our soldiers is getting married, as I think of the fact that I can’t do it if I want to do it with a woman.”
“We can die any day, so everyone is trying to make all the decisions that are about relationships and communication.”
“People want to be able to support one another because we are so vulnerable now and we just want to have this back up plan and we’d be happy to do it for the people we love and care about.”
A petition was launched in 2022 which called for marriage equality to be introduced in Ukraine.
In August, President Volodymyr Zelensky responded to the petition, which was signed by thousands of people, and said he would work with the government to ensure “all people are free and equal in their dignity and rights” – but not until after the war with Russia ends.
Zyablikova, whose ex-girlfriend left her when Russia invaded Ukraine, said marriage is “a way of making your connection stronger”.
“Any person in Ukraine could die any night because those rockets are coming. When you feel like you’re not doing enough for the person you love, it’s suboptimal,” she said.
Joining the armed forces as an LGBTQ+ person has been harrowing for Zyablikova, who said Vladimir Putin had tried to portray queer people as “non-soldiers” fighting against “pure” Russian troops on the territory of Ukraine.
“That’s their main fairy tale, which is unfortunately working, it is really exploiting the homophobic narrative.”
The conflict has increased LGBTQ+ acceptance in Ukraine
Homosexuality has been legal in Ukraine since 1991 – the year the nation declared independence from the Soviet Union – but same-sex marriage and civil partnerships are currently not recognised.
Earlier this month, Ukrainian MP Inna Sovsun put forward a bill calling for same-sex partnerships to be legally recognised in the war-torn country.
Sharing the news that she had submitted the draft bill in a thread of tweets on 7 March, the MP cited the figure that “56 per cent of Ukrainians” support same-sex partnerships.
The proposed legislation was announced just two days after two KyivPride staffers told PA news agency that the conflict had unexpectedly resulted in more acceptance of LGBTQ+ people in Ukraine.
Uganda’s parliament passed a law on Tuesday making it a crime to identify as LGBTQ, handing authorities broad powers to target gay Ugandans who already face legal discrimination and mob violence.
More than 30 African countries, including Uganda, already ban same-sex relations. The new law appears to be the first to outlaw merely identifying as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender and queer (LGBTQ), according to rights group Human Rights Watch.
In addition to same-sex intercourse, the law bans promoting and abetting homosexuality as well as conspiracy to engage in homosexuality.
Violations under the law draw severe penalties, including death for so-called aggravated homosexuality and life in prison for gay sex. Aggravated homosexuality involves gay sex with people under the age of 18 or when the perpetrator is HIV positive, among other categories, according to the law.
The legislation will be sent to President Yoweri Museveni to be signed into law.
Frank Mugisha, a prominent Ugandan LGBTQ activist denounced the legislation as draconian.
“This law is very extreme and draconian … it criminalizes being an LGBTQ person, but also they are trying to erase the entire existence of any LGBTQ Ugandan,” he said.
Museveni has not commented on the current proposal but he has long opposed LGBTQ rights and signed an anti-LGBTQ law in 2013 that Western countries condemned before a domestic court struck it down on procedural grounds.
Supporters of the new law say it is needed to punish a broader array of LGBTQ activities, which they say threaten traditional values in the conservative and religious East African nation.
“Our creator God is happy (about) what is happening … I support the bill to protect the future of our children,” lawmaker David Bahati said during debate on the bill.
“This is about the sovereignty of our nation, nobody should blackmail us, nobody should intimidate us.”
In recent weeks, Uganda authorities have cracked down on LGBTQ people after religious leaders and politicians alleged students were being recruited into homosexuality in schools.
This month, authorities arrested a secondary school teacher in the eastern district of Jinja over accusations of “grooming of young girls into unnatural sex practices”.
She was subsequently charged with gross indecency and is in prison awaiting trial.
The police said on Monday they had arrested six people accused of running a network that was “actively involved in the grooming of young boys into acts of sodomy.”
A bill introduced in Uganda’s Parliament criminalizing same-sex conduct and sexual and gender identity, if adopted, would violate multiple fundamental rights, Human Rights Watch said today. Among others, such a law would violate the rights to freedom of expression and association privacy, equality, and nondiscrimination.
On March 9, 2023, Asuman Basalirwa, a member of parliament, introduced the 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Bill in Parliament. The bill is a revised and more egregious version of the 2014 Anti-Homosexuality Act, which reinforced existing prison sentences for same-sex conduct and outlawed the “promotion of homosexuality,” but was struck down by a court on procedural grounds.
“One of the most extreme features of this new bill is that it criminalizes people simply for being who they are as well as further infringing on the rights to privacy, and freedoms of expression and association that are already compromised in Uganda,” said Oryem Nyeko, Uganda researcher at Human Rights Watch, “Ugandan politicians should focus on passing laws that protect vulnerable minorities and affirm fundamental rights and stop targeting LGBT people for political capital.”
Like its predecessor, the 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Bill expands on the criminalization of same sex acts, including broad prohibitions on acts such as touching another person “with the intention of committing the act of homosexuality.” People found guilty of the “offense of homosexuality” may be imprisoned for up to 10 years.
But the bill goes much further by also criminalizing any person who “holds out as a lesbian, gay, transgender, a queer, or any other sexual or gender identity that is contrary to the binary categories of male and female,” with a punishment of up to ten years in prison. In addition, the bill makes it a crime to “purport to contract a marriage with another person of the same sex.” The bill includes a punishment of up to five years in prison for the “promotion of homosexuality.” It also effectively declares all same-sex conduct as nonconsensual.
Uganda’s penal code already punishes “carnal knowledge against the order of nature,” which is interpreted to mean homosexual relations, with a punishment of life in prison, although the provision, a colonial remnant, is rarely enforced. In introducing the bill, Basaliriwa said its purpose was to “look at this colonial law and have it in tandem with the current situation.”
The reintroduction of the Anti-Homosexuality Bill follows months of hostile rhetoric against sexual and gender minorities by public figures in Uganda, as well as government crackdowns on LGBT-rights groups and other human rights groups, government critics, and civil society.
On August 3, 2022, Uganda’s National Bureau for Nongovernmental Organizations banned Sexual Minorities Uganda (SMUG), a prominent LGBT rights organization, for not having officially registered with it. The government had previously refused to approve SMUG’s name – a requirement to register as a nongovernmental organization – saying that a group that advocates for the rights and well-being of LGBT people is “undesirable and unregistrable.”
A January 2023 draft report by the bureau identified 26 nongovernmental organizations, including SMUG, that it accused of “promoting homosexuality” and luring schoolchildren into homosexuality through “forced recruitment.” The report recommends barring any groups identified as “promoting LGBTIQ activities” from operating, and suggests that individual activists should be publicly profiled, to prevent them from any further civil society engagement.
On January 25, the parliamentary deputy speaker, Thomas Tayebwa, urged the Internal Affairs Ministryto investigate the activities of the Human Rights Awareness and Promotion Forum (HRAPF), an LGBT and sex-worker-rights group. Tayebwa alleged that HRAPF facilitated the passingof a Kasese district bylaw that recognizes the need to protect key populations including gender and sexual minorities from HIV and tuberculosis, in keeping with Uganda’s own health policies to combat HIV/AIDS.
On February 5, Maj. Gen. Francis Takirwa the deputy commander of land forces in the Ugandan military, used the handover of a renovated community health facility to call for excluding gay peoplefrom receiving health services, saying, “Don’t use our health facilities to treat homosexuals.” On February 24, the state minister for sports, Peter Ogwang, called for the introduction of the death penalty for same-sex conduct.
The introduction of the 2023 Anti-Homosexuality Bill is not the first time Parliament has attempted to recriminalize homosexuality since the 2014 Act was struck down. In 2021, Parliament approved the Sexual Offenses Bill, which criminalized any “sexual act between persons of the same gender,” as well as anal sex between people of any gender, with up to 10 years in prison. On August 3, 2021, President Yoweri Museveni rejected the Sexual Offenses Bill and returned it to Parliament, stating that it covered offenses already provided for in the Penal Code.
The continued criminalization of same sex conduct and crackdowns on sexual minorities in Uganda has had far reaching impacts, Human Rights Watch said. Within five months of the passing of the 2013 Anti-Homosexuality Act LGBT people faced a notable increase in arbitrary arrests, police abuse and extortion, loss of employment, evictions and homelessness, and scores fled the country.
“The Ugandan government’s targeting of a vulnerable minority and distracting attention from a broader clampdown on rights groups is an all too familiar tactic,” said Nyeko, “What the government is attempting should set off alarm bells among civil society groups in Uganda, and in the international community, as it signals increased repression and the stifling of opposition voices and civil society groups across the board.”
Japan’s main opposition party has submitted a bill calling for same-sex marriage to be legalised.
Chinami Nishimura, of the Constitutional Democratic Party (CDP), submitted the bill today (6 March), the South China Morning Post reported.
Japan, which is due to host the G7 summit meeting in May, is the only member of the influential intergovernmental political forum that does not recognise LGBTQ+ marriage.
Nishimura, the acting chief of the CDP, responded: “I think it’s discrimination if marriage is recognised legally for heterosexual couples but not same-sex couples.”
Kishida was also criticised last month after one of his aides reportedly made anti-LGBTQ+ comments, including that he “doesn’t even want to look at” married same-sex couples.
The aide was promptly fired, and Kishida called the remarks “outrageous” and “completely incompatible with the administration’s policies”.
Japan’s prime minister Fumio Kishida has been criticised for his stance on same-sex marriage. (Getty)
The country’s constitution, which dates back to 1947 and which was written mainly by American officials following the occupation of Japan, states that “marriage shall be only with the mutual consent of both sexes”. However, recent polls have found that a majority of people in Japan support legalising equal marriage.
Currently, same-sex couples can only engage in civil unions – and even then, only in certain regions.
While civil partnerships allow couples to register for local government services, they cannot inherit assets or adopt.
PM Kishida has previously stated that the “issue needs to be carefully considered”.
During her performance at Japan’s Summer Sonic Festival, the singer-songwriter, said: “I’m bisexual, but if I try to have a same-sex marriage here, I can’t.
“It’s not allowed in Japan. Out of the G7 countries, it’s the only one that doesn’t have that protection.”
Sawayama, who came out as bi and pansexual in 2018, added: “This is something really embarrassing. Something that would accept me and my friends, my chosen family, a fair law… if you think we should [have equal marriage], please keep on fighting.
“LGBT people are human beings. LGBT people are Japanese. Love is love. Family is family. Let’s fight together.”
Taiwan is the only Asian country where same-sex marriage is permitted, after a new law was passed in 2019.
While LGBTQ+ Americans have been subjected to numerous legislative attacks by Republican politicians recently, being queer is also a challenge in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) region, as most countries enact laws and policies that criminalize, stigmatize, and discriminate against queer people.
However, laws and policies are not the only problems, as being anti-LGBTQ+ has become an integral part of the cultural identity of many people in the MENA region. Like the American far-right, hating queer people has become a badge of honor.
Between 2018 and 2019, the Arab Barometer surveyed six MENA countries asking, “Is homosexuality an acceptable practice?” The highest country answering “yes” was Algeria at only 27%, with the rest ranging from 5% to 20%.
The country’s election is only a few days away – and it’s becoming pretty intense.
In recent years, MENA countries have been working on increasing this social discontent against queer people by detaching LGBTQ+ rights from the human rights discourse by framing it as a cultural issue. By doing so, those countries hope to absolve themselves from their human rights obligations towards their queer populations. While human rights are not negotiable, culture is relevant and diverse and must be respected.
The patriarchs of this framing always claim that fundamental human rights are protected for all, saying they do not promote violence or discrimination against LGBTQ+ people; instead, they only safeguard their societies’ cultural values. In this cultural framing, queer identities are labeled as part of a “Western agenda” that corrupts the region’s youth and introduces foreign concepts to MENA societies.
In 2022, this framing and narrative evolved to co-opt decolonization’s terminologies, as LGBTQ+ people are now considered part of a cultural battle between the West and MENA countries, where “the white man” is culturally colonizing the MENA societies with “ideology.”
In 2022, MENA countries banned several movies depicting queer characters, such as Disney’s Lightyear because it had a brief lesbian kiss. Banning LGBTQ+ films is not new for the region, but authorities used to ban movies without much social notice. This time, there was a massive social outcry. Like in other global anti-LGBTQ+ narratives, this outcry focused on protecting children from the corrupt queer ideology, as Disney’s movies are mainly viewed by children. Other countries like Saudi Arabia also banned “rainbow toys,” fearing it would influence the children to be LGBTQ+.
The uproar around Lightyear resulted in “Fetrah,” an anti-LGBTQ+ social media campaign that originated in Egypt to defend Middle Eastern culture and tradition from Western invasion. Before being banned on Facebook for promoting hate speech, the movement gained millions of followers across the MENA region. The campaign still operates on other social media platforms, and its ideology is prevalent among the people. The social pressure forced Disney to issue a statement vowing not to show any LGBTQ+ content in MENA countries.
Later, several countries issued policies to combat “Western LGBTQ+ ideology” in schools.
In Egypt, the Ministry of Education issued a general directive to “combat the promotion of homosexuality and its ideas in different media outlets,” instructing officials to implement anti-LGBTQ+ awareness campaigns in schools to protect the children and youth from this Western agenda. In the United Arab Emirates (UAE), the Ministry of Education issued a new code of conduct prohibiting “discussing gender identity, homosexuality or any other behavior deemed unacceptable to UAE society.” In Morocco, the Ministry of Education investigated and issued disciplinary actions against officials after the word “sexual orientation” appeared in textbooks.
In Lebanon, where an economic and political crisis is ongoing, “Soldiers of God,” a right-wing Christian group, destroyed a rainbow billboard and vowed to attack any queer persons they could identify. The Lebanese authorities decided to ban all events promoting “LGBTQ+ ideology”, siding with the aggressors. In Iraq, another country with an ongoing crisis, several MPs and political leaders tried to distract the public by introducing new laws that criminalize homosexuality. Those attempts are happening both on the federal level and in the autonomous region of Kurdistan.
The region’s anti-LGBTQ+ actors benefited greatly from the ill-informed discussion around LGBTQ+ people at the event, as the conversation was characterized by Western-centric performative activism and unprofessional and sometimes outright racist coverage by Western media. This discussion enforced the ongoing narrative that queer rights are a cultural ideology the West is trying to force on MENA countries, which harms the region’s LGBTQ+ people the most.
Not even a month into 2023, several anti-LGBTQ+ incidents have already occured. In Algeria, the Ministry of Commerce announced it would ban all rainbow-colored products to “protect society from homosexuality.” In Lebanon, despite removing the ban on queer events, news emerged of rogue members of the security agencies extorting LGBTQ+ people, hunting them online and offline, and requesting a bribe or else they would arrest them.
Anti-LGBTQ+ sentiments will likely continue to rise in the region, with anti-queer figures dominating public speech and mobilizing the cultural framing of LGBTQ+ issues in their favor.
Anti-LGBTQ+ actors seem to have been successful in their goals for now, as LGBTQ+ identities are viewed by a large portion of the MENA societies as an evil corrupt Western ideology. The region’s anti-LGBTQ+ actors are an active part of the global anti-LGBTQ+ rights movement, as seen in the similarities in their discourse. Both capitalize on conspiracy theories feeding into a public moral panic that there is an LGBTQ+ cult attempting to recruit children into their ideology.
What LGBTQ+ people in the region need is a mix of reformed strategies and increased support to assist them with combating the ever-increasing anti-LGBTQ+ sentiments in their countries. That’s what American LGBTQ+ people need too.
Across the UK, trans prisoners are individually assessed and, in most cases, housed in prisons that don’t relate to their gender identity.
The issue of where trans prisoners are housed has become a topic of debate following the case of Isla Bryson, a trans woman convicted by a Scottish court of raping two women prior to her transition.
It was reported that Bryson was held at the women’s prison Cornton Vale. Two days after she was found guilty, it was confirmed that she was being moved to a men’s prison.
First minister Nicola Sturgeon said: “I don’t see how it’s possible to have a rapist within a female prison, even the understandable public and parliamentary concern. …
“And I hope that provides assurance to the public presiding officer, not least to the victims, in this particular case.”
The Scottish Trans project has reported that Bryson was held in segregation at Cornton Vale while a risk assessment was carried out. As it explained, this is how the Scottish Prison Service’s policy works.
“The risk assessment decided, not surprisingly, that she [Bryson] should not be held in the women’s estate. This is what we would expect for a person convicted of rape,” Scottish Trans said on Twitter.
The service decides where to house trans prisoners on a case-by-case basis.
Scottish Trans added: “It is right that this should be decided on an individualised risk assessment basis.
“For example, a trans woman transitioned for 20 years, who is in prison for a non-violent offence like financial fraud, might pose no risk to other women in custody, but be at significant risk herself if accommodated on the male estate.”
It added that the risk assessments do not depend on whether or not the inmate has a Gender Recognition Certificate (GRC). This means Scotland’s vetoed Gender Recognition Reform Bill, which would make it easier to obtain a GRC, would not affect the prison service’s policy in Scotland.
Under the reforms, the Ministry of Justice has said transgender women with “male genitalia” – or those who have been convicted of a sexual offence – should no longer be held in general women’s prisons.
The ministry said this will “create a strong presumption” but also allow for exemptions to be considered by ministers on a “case-by-case basis”.
However, the department noted that only the “most truly exceptional cases” will be considered.
How many trans men and women are there in prison?
According to the BBC, as of September 2022 there were four trans men in Scottish prisons, one of whom was held in a men’s prison. Of the 11 trans women, five were in women’s prisons.
Data published in November 2022 by the Ministry of Justice shows there are 230 transgender prisoners out of a prison population of 78,058 in England and Wales.
Of these 230 prisoners, 168 identified as trans women, 42 as trans men, 13 as non-binary and seven identified in a different way or did not provide a response.
“Most transgender prisoners were in the men’s estates,” the report read.
“181 transgender prisoners were in male estates and 49 were in female estates. There were six transgender women in female establishments.”
While a full breakdown of which trans prisoners were held in the prison corresponding to their gender identity was not given, it is clear that of 168 inmates identifying as trans women, only six were housed in women’s prisons.
The report added that the figures of trans inmates are “likely to underestimate the true number”. The numbers do not include trans prisoners with a Gender Recognition Certificate, of which there are 11.
After a long period of restoration, one of Italy’s most famous archaeological treasures — the House of the Vettii — is reopening to the public.
The house’s extensive collection of fresco wall paintings includes lots of erotic art. But while some commenters have claimed that the house’s original owners were preoccupied with sex or even running a brothel, a gay Roman historian has said that those claims show a misunderstanding about the role queer sex played in ancient Rome.
The house was originally constructed for two freed male slaves who were likely owned by the same master. These men became wealthy from selling wine, and their now-famous house included numerous scenes of sex and mythology, painted on wet plaster and preserved in wax.
Mount Vesuvius buried the house in volcanic ash in 79 AD, but it has since been restored, giving art history fans a time capsule of wealthy Roman social life.
The house’s entrance includes an image of Priapus, the god of fertility and abundance, showing off an uncut penis that’s as long and thick as his arm. It rests upon a scale, balanced by a bag filled with money. Other scenes show different couples having sex.
João Florêncio, a gay researcher who examines visual depictions of sexual cultures throughout history, says that it’s a mistake to assume that Roman men resembled modern-day gay men just because they owned art of a well-hung god and often had sex with other men.
“Roman sexuality was not framed in terms of the gender of partners but in terms of power,” he added. “An adult free man could have sex as the penetrating partner with anyone of a lower social status—including women or slaves and sex workers of both genders.”
The researcher said that evidence of same-sex intercourse has been preserved in Pompeii’s sexually explicit artifacts and graffiti, but a lot of it has been disavowed or at least purified by mainstream modern culture. A lot of these artifacts were designated as “pornography” and moved to “secret museums” in the early 1800s.
While a modern man wouldn’t likely display the image of a well-endowed man in his home unless he was gay, Florêncio points out that phallic imagery in Roman culture was associated with machismo. Some men might have desired Priapus’s large dong, but far more men would’ve likely envied it for their own, as a sign of their own potency and power.
Florêncio also noted that, while some historians believe the house doubled as a brothel, he said the sexual images may have just functioned as domestic symbols of power, wealth, and culture, especially since sex wasn’t taboo in Roman culture. Indeed, images of sex were “everywhere in Rome, including in literary and visual arts,” he writes.
When Gad Yola hit the red carpet on December 20th, 2022, the 34-year-old Peruvian drag queen wanted to make a statement. Nearly 6,000 miles away from her home, Yola was far from the political crisis unfolding across Peru. So on her white dress, she bedazzled the words “25 Peruvians killed by the state”—a reference to the number of people who had died since protests erupted across the Andean nation.
Her dress quickly went viral on Twitter, and she received both messages of support and hate from Peruvians around the globe. Her artistic gesture is just one example of how LGBTQ+ Peruvians are making their voices heard in a political crisis that has persisted for nearly two months.
On December 7, 2022, former President Pedro Castillo rocked Peru’s democracy. Facing a vote for his impeachment, Castillo attempted a “self-coup”—a complete power grab by someone already in power. With trembling hands, the embattled president announced to the nation that he was unilaterally dissolving Congress and would rule the country by decree.
For Peruvians, this announcement was shocking, but it was not unprecedented. More than 20 years ago, former President Alberto Fujimori successfully pulled off this political machination and remained in power for another eight years. Fujimori, though, had the backing of the National Police of Peru and the Peruvian Armed Forces before he made this risky move; neither institution backed Castillo.
https://www.youtube.com/embed/nXyFgvCfyHI?feature=oembedPedro Castillo reads a statement announcing his decision to dissolve Congress and rule by decree.
Shortly after the announcement, ministers in his cabinet resigned, members of his political party, Peru Libre, denounced him, and his Vice President, Dina Boluarte, condemned the move. A couple of hours later, Congress successfully voted to impeach Castillo. Castillo was arrested and brought to a detention facility when he tried to seek asylum in the Mexican embassy; he currently remains in pre-trial detention.
Later that day, Boluarte was sworn in as President, and many members of Congress celebrated the ouster of an opponent they sparred with for the entire duration of his presidency.
Their celebration was short-lived.
On December 8th, just one day after Castillo’s arrest, protests began to sprout around the country.
Castillo was Peru’s 5th president in five years. He was also the first president to be of a peasant and indigenous background. His ouster, and Boluarte’s subsequent rightward shift, was taken as a sign by the historically marginalized groups of Peru that the country’s democracy is not an institution that works for them. Many believe Castillo was a victim of a conservative Congress hellbent on preventing an indigenous person from ruling effectively.
So they took to the streets.
In cities and towns all over Peru, aggrieved protesters began marching to demand political change. Their demands included the following: President Boluarte’s resignation, a constituent assembly to draft a new constitution, earlier elections, and for some, the liberation of Castillo.
From Cusco to Lima, protesters have been demonstrating their dissatisfaction with the state of their country. They have set up roadblocks and taken over airports. And in one case, a politician’s home was set on fire. Meanwhile, police have killed 46 people, some of whom were medics and bystanders, and injured dozens of others. One police officer was also killed due to the unrest, and at least ten people died in ambulances after being unable to reach hospitals due to blockades.
In addition to the anti-establishment protests, there have also been marches billed as “Marcha Por La Paz” or “March for the Peace.” These peace marches are right-wing and pro-police. And due to the march’s collaboration with the police, they have often inflamed tensions between the two sides.
Despite the assumption that LGBTQ+ rights are a left-wing cause, supporters and queer Peruvians are spread across the political spectrum. The political crisis has divided members of the queer community about how to resolve an increasingly intractable conflict.
Shortly after Boluarte was sworn-in, several LGBTQ+ activists and organizations condemned the violence at protests calling for her resignation.
Promsex, one of Peru’s most prominent LGBTQ+ and intersex rights groups, addressed the new president in a statement on Twitter.
“We demand that the Executive Branch guarantee the safety of all people, including that of law enforcement personnel, and that there be no more deaths in the democratic and legitimate exercise of the right to protest,” the organization tweeted.
However, since that statement was released, the violence has escalated, and so has the intensity of statements from left-wing LGBTQ+ groups. On January 21st, the Lima Pride March Collective released a statement calling for one of the primary demands of the anti-Boluarte protestors—new elections.
“As LGBTI people, we demand a prompt democratic exit [from this crisis] through the advancement of elections in the shortest term possible,” the statement said.
The Collective changed their name on Twitter to #NuevasEleccionesYa (new elections now), accompanied by the Peruvian and pride flags.
Jorge Apolaya, a spokesperson for the group, spoke to LGBTQ Nation about why he supports the marches.
“[LGBTQ+] organizers have the responsibility to speak out and denounce what is contrary to democracy and therefore to the rights of LGBT people,” he told LGBTQ Nation. “The government of the current president Dina Boluarte has become repressive and violent in the face of legitimate protests in the country. We cannot allow more deaths, and that is why there is a social consensus in the request for the resignation of the current president.”
Jorge (right) at the protests at Plaza San Martin in Lima.
The consensus does not extend to all LGBTQ+ Peruvians. La Liga Libertad, a classically liberal group founded by LGBTQ+ people, has called the protesters’ demands, including the demand for Boluarte to resign, “anti-democratic.” They have described protesters’ attempts to take over national airports as “terrorism,” echoing Boluarte’s characterization of the ongoing unrest.
La Liga Libertad did not respond to LGBTQ Nation’s request for comment.
It is not only left-wing LGBTQ+ groups who favor Boluarte’s resignation. Popular Action (Acción Popular) is a centrist political party. One of its members, queer activist Manuel Siccha, spoke with LGBTQ Nation.
“Currently, the position [of the Party] is to request the resignation of President Dina Boluarte based on her lack of legitimacy to govern,” Siccha said. “You cannot govern without social legitimacy and she alone has been losing legitimacy little by little with the decisions she has made from actions which are dehumanizing and authoritarian.”
Siccha also told LGBTQ Nation that he believes the Boluarte administration does not have the capacity to respond to the urgent political needs and the agendas of vulnerable populations, including LGBTQ+ populations.
The division among the queer community is also visible among Peru’s two out members of Congress. Although both voted for Castillo’s impeachment in December, they diverge significantly in how they approach the conflict.
Susel Paredes is the first out lesbian to win a congressional election in Peru. A progressive member of Congress, she voted against giving Boluarte’s cabinet a vote of confidence two weeks ago due to the more than 50 deaths which have occurred since protests first broke out.
Alejandro Cavero, a conservative congressman from the Avanza Pais political party, has said he is “LGBT and proudly of the right.” While Cavero said he understands the “frustration and indignation of the South,” he also praised police reactions to the violent protests.
A Twitter interaction between Members of Peruvian Congress Paredes and Cavero shows the two arguing about an incident that occurred at San Marcos University on January 21, 2023.
Other LGBTQ+ Peruvians who spoke with LGBTQ Nation expressed a similar sentiment to Cavero.
“It’s definitely a midway support,” said Vero Mourou when asked if she supports the protests. Mourou is a drag artist from Iquitos, the largest city in the Peruvian Amazon. Like Cavero, she is sympathetic to the plight of the poor and indigenous Peruvians protesting. However, she blames the “communist left” for taking advantage of the situation.
“[The left] has caused innocent people to die like a cannonball for their own political interests, such as the constituent assembly. They use their pain and suffering for political purposes. I am against any act of violence disguised as protest…we cannot allow anarchy in Peru.”
As Peruvians inside the country express varying opinions on this conflict, many Peruvians abroad are also speaking out, including Yola. Based in Madrid, Yola spoke with LGBTQ Nation about why she supports the protests.
“Dina Boluarte has committed crimes against humanity, has murdered in the name of a false democracy that does not represent the inhabitants of the country, both in the provinces and in the capital,” she said.
Yola acknowledges that some on the left are homophobic and transphobic, including the former president. However, she believes that certain struggles must come before LGBTQ+ rights.
“Many gay people…do not see beyond the privileged reality of Lima, because they do not see that before being gay or lesbian, they are brown, descendants of indigenous people, of black people, that the agenda against the fight against poverty in the regions is, honestly, more relevant than same-sex marriage.”
Gad Yola wears a dress that says: “25 Peruvians killed by the state.”
One of the most conservative countries in South America, Peru does not have a stellar record on LGBTQ+ rights. Regardless of the outcome of this political crisis, the situation for queer and trans Peruvians is unlikely to change dramatically. However, as the nation struggles through nearly two months of unrest, LGBTQ+ Peruvians continue to make their voices heard and fight for their future.
Harrowing new BBC documentary Queer Egypt Under Attack uncovers how violent criminal gangs and corrupt Egyptian police officers use online dating sites to target the LGBTQ+ community.
Journalist and presenter Ahmed Shihab-Eldin undertook a two year long investigation for BBC News to uncover the tactics used to lure, and eventually prosecute, LGBTQ+ people in Egypt.
Although Egypt does not currently have specific legislation banning homosexuality, this has not stopped the queer community from being repeatedly targeted with abuse and exortion.
Shihab-Eldin, who grew up in Egypt, explained: “Friends there tell me that the atmosphere has recently become far more brutal, and the tactics for tracking down LGBT people more sophisticated.”
As Shihab-Eldin discovered, police initiate text conversations on dating apps such as WhosHere and Grindr, encouraging people to meet up with them. They then charge them under a “debauchery” law, often fabricating evidence against LGBTQ+ people who are simply looking for love and friendship.
Reporter, Ahmed Shihab-Eldin, spent his teenage years in Egypt. (BBC)
The law targets sex work and is a key way LGBTQ+ people are persecuted in Egypt, and the documentary meets real people who have fallen prey to these manipulation tactics, for which the punishment can be a hefty fine and even imprisonment.
Gangs are also targeting vulnerable people on dating apps by filming violent humiliation videos which they send to the victims’ friends and family.
In one clip, Shihab-Eldin meets with an anonymous victim who was featured in a viral video of this nature, and uncovered the chain of blackmail associated with this gang violence.
Another victim, Laith, described how he was simply meeting an acquaintance for a date when police seized him and threatened to fabricate evidence unless he agreed to be an informant.
After Laith refused to cooperate he was charged with “habitual debauchery”, which criminalises regular same-sex practices between men.
The documentary also explores how foreigners are also at risk, with one person, called Matt, lured by police via Grindr, arrested and eventually deported.
Although dating apps are cracking down on these tactics by issuing warnings about potential police presence, the LGBTQ+ community still remains under attack.
M23 rebels in Congo’s North Kivu province have displaced a number of transgender people and left them even more vulnerable to persecution.
M23 rebels last November approached Goma, the province’s capital city, and forced around 180,000 people to leave their homes. Jérémie Safari, coordinator of Rainbow Sunrise Mapambazuko, a Congolese LGBTQ and intersex rights group, told the Washington Blade that residents of the Kibumba camp where displaced people have settled have refused to assist trans people and have accused them of being sorcerers.
“Trans people went (through) war like everyone else,” said Safari. “In the Kibumba camp where the displaced have settled, the local community there has refused trans people access, accusing them of being sorcerers, bad luck charms and of being the origin of the war following their evil practice.”
Safari said other displaced people who did not want trans women in the camp have attacked them. Safari said these trans women currently sleep in the street in Kibumba without food.
Safari, in addition, said the government has done little to help these displaced trans people, even though consensual same-sex sexual relations are not criminalized in the country.
“The displaced people received help but not the trans people since they do not live in the camp and also the government is still extremely hostile towards LGBTIQA+ organizations in the DRC (Democratic Republic of the Congo). No LGBTQA+ organization can be legally recognized by the Congolese State,” said Safari.
Safari saidRainbow Sunrise Mapambazuko currently needs funds to provide housing, food and medicine to the displaced trans people.
“If we could have $7,000 (U.S. dollars) firstly for their survival, since we are afraid of their life and their health which is in danger, that would be of immense help,” said Safari.
The M23 since last May has demonstrated increased firepower and defensive capabilities that have enabled the group to overrun U.N.-backed Congolese troops and hold territory.
The U.N. says the fighting between Congolese troops and M23 rebels has forced nearly 200,000 people to flee their homes.
Human Rights Watch has called upon the U.N., the African Union and governments to publicly denounce M23 abuses found to have been committed by other combatants, maintaining sanctions against senior M23 commanders and expanding them to those newly found responsible for serious abuses and senior officials from across the region complicit in them. Human Rights Watch also said any political settlement should not include amnesty for those responsible for human rights abuses and prevent responsible M23 commanders to integrate into the Congolese armed forces.
“The government’s failure to hold M23 commanders accountable for war crimes committed years ago is enabling them and their new recruits to commit abuses today. Civilians in eastern Congo should not have to endure new atrocities by the M23,” said Thomas Fessy, a senior DRC researcher at Human Rights Watch.
M23 sprung from elements within the Congolese army in 2012.
The rebel group claims it is defending the rights of Congolese Tutsi and originally comprised of soldiers who participated in a mutiny from the Congolese army in April-May 2012. They claimed their mutiny was to protest the Congolese government’s failure to fully implement the March 23, 2009, peace agreement — M23 derives from this date — that had integrated them into the Congolese army.
The Congolese army and the U.N. Force Intervention Brigade defeated M23 in November 2013, and its members fled to Rwanda and Uganda. The group re-emerged in November 2021.
